TheGuardian消息：昨晚，前总理陆克文在议会里发表了一个充满深情的讲话，宣告退出澳大利亚政坛。

1998年起，他开始担任联邦议员。本周末，他将完成他的后排议员工作，并正式结束自己的政治生涯。

陆克文说，“这是我们家庭过去数月讨论的结果，这不是个容易的决定。”

他还祝现任总理艾伯特好运，他说总理这个工作是“最难的工作”。

工党这边，他特别提到了工党现任领袖Bill Shorten, 他本人的坚定支持者Anthony Albanese 和 Chris Bowen。

昨天早上，他的昔日副手、后发动政变后取代他总理位置的竞争对手、前女总理吉拉德也发推特，对昔日对头（陆克文）大方送出祝福，“我要向陆克文和Therese（陆克文妻子）以及他们的家人送出我最美好的祝愿，因为他们即将步入生活的另一个新阶段。”

一个比较有意思的评论，写的还不错，不一一翻了，粘在后面，大家自己看吧。择要摘几句吧：

陆克文从来就是非主流工党人，他不在派系平衡中发迹，他不在摩擦和妥协中制定政策，他更不追求小心谨慎或循序渐进式的政治理念。

与他的前任霍华德、后任阿博特天差地别的是，陆克文靠他的雄心和狂暴横扫政坛。

他对原住民被偷走一代的道歉；他签署京都议定书一改此前澳洲对气候变化的怀疑态度；他的新凯恩斯学派理念使得澳洲不用像其他国家一样在全球经济危机中经历失业与社会混乱的痛楚--尽管有人批评他过于浪费；他改革了澳洲的医疗系统。

但他同样因自身领导力的缺陷、拖沓的决断力而使得同僚对他心生厌恶。

2010年6月的忽如其来的“吉拉德政变”令世界震惊，它最初始于工党领导人之间的小龌龊，但最终让工党元气大伤，再也无法恢复。

老陆的知心好友，工党战略家Bruce Hawker把他们两人比喻为工党的“阴与阳”：公众尊重老陆，但党内喜欢吉拉德。

“他可以拉拢选民，她可以把党团结在他周围。二人合体无坚不摧，可是两人一旦分道扬镳则不堪一击 --- 党内派系大佬对老陆、公众舆论对吉拉德都是致命的。”

而今两人殊途同归，玉石俱焚。

原文

A farewell to Rudd: Australia’s ambitious, impatient, divisive leader

The euphoria of the election of Kevin 07, the freneticism of the following three years in power, the devastation of the 2010 coup, the desperation of his last-minute resurrection before the 2013 poll – the rollercoaster ride of the Rudd 

era for the Australian Labor party has come to an end with his tearful announcement on Wednesday night that he is to retire from politics.

Rudd was not of the normal Labor party mould – he did not rise through the usual factional processes, he did not make policy through the normal mechanisms of compromise and attrition, and he did not aspire to caution or gradualism in 

either politics or ideas.

Rudd's father died when he was 11 and the years that followed in which his mother struggled to raise the family – including a night they had to sleep in a car – had a formative effect on the former leader. He excelled at university, 

where he studied Chinese language and history and was a diplomat and adviser to the former Queensland premier Wayne Goss before entering federal parliament in 1998.

He seized office with an impatience and ambition very unlike the Howard government that came before him or the Abbott government that came after Labor’s term.

His apology to the Indigenous stolen generations “made a mark in history”, according to the former Liberal leader Malcolm Turnbull, and was also hailed by the prime minister, Tony Abbott.

His 2020 summit sought to tap into the minds of the best and brightest in the land, his ratification of the Kyoto protocol symbolised a break with Australia’s previously sceptical climate change stance, and his neo-Keynesian response to 

the global financial crisis meant that Australia avoided the unemployment and social dislocation wrought by that in other countries, although he was criticised for spending too much. Rudd demanded a seat for Australia on the G20; he 

brokered a deal to try to keep the car industry going in Australia even as it collapsed around the world; and he reformed the health system.

But he also elicited enormous ill feeling among colleagues for a highly dysfunctional leadership style and for stalling decisions. Most fatefully, he balked at calling a double dissolution election when the Coalition blocked his 

emissions trading scheme – and then shelved the scheme in 2010, a complicated decision that translated to the public as a simple message of inauthenticity and opened the way for Abbott’s effective campaign against the policy.

The emissions trading scheme was eventually legislated by Julia Gillard and his resignation announcement come on the same day Abbott introduced legislation for its repeal.

The coup against Rudd in June 2010 was sudden and shocking and began a rift from which the Labor government never recovered. The manner of Gillard’s ascent meant Rudd and his supporters never accepted her leadership as legitimate. The 

way they sought his return to the job meant she and her backers were determined to resist his resurrection to the bitter end.

Rudd’s friend and confidant, the Labor strategist Bruce Hawker, described Gillard and Rudd as the “yin and yang” of the Labor party.

“The public respected him and the party loved her," Hawker wrote in his diary-style account of Rudd’s return to power, The Rudd Rebellion: The Campaign to Save Labor.

"He could woo the electorate and she could pull the caucus in behind him ... Together they were indomitable, but apart they were vulnerable: he to the faction leaders and she to public opinion.”

Ultimately they each succumbed to that weakness and retired from the political stage.

In the end, Rudd returned with just a few months until he would have to call the 2013 election and, once again frantic to make change, brought in rule changes to ensure factional leaders could never again treat a Labor leader as they had 

once treated him and policy changes on asylum and carbon pricing to try to stem Labor’s electoral losses.

He believes he “saved” Labor from a potentially worse defeat. He insisted he was retiring bearing malice to no one.

In his resignation speech Rudd said he would be working on an array of issues, including Indigenous recognition, organ donation, homelessness and foreign language learning. He intends to spend more time with his wife, Therese Rein, who runs a successful employment services company, and their three children and toddler grand-daughter.

The speeches that followed his shock announcement – from all sides of the chamber – indicated that it may now be possible to see through the malice between the two leaders to assess the policy successes, and failures, of Labor’s term in office over which they presided. 

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