Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.

　　孤立古巴的50年未能推进这一地区的民主进程，反而削弱了我们在拉丁美洲的影响力。这就是为什么我们要恢复与古巴的外交关系，开启旅游和经商之门，帮助改善古巴人民的生活。你们想要巩固我们在南半球的领导力和可信度？那么就承认冷战已经结束，解除禁运吧。

　　American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.

　　21世纪，美国体现领导力的方式并非只有下面两个选择：除了打击恐怖主义，再不关心其他世界事务；抑或，占领和重建每个正在土崩瓦解的社会。领导力意味着明智地运用武力，团结全世界的力量实现伟大目标。它意味着将海外援助视为国家安全的一部分，而非施舍。当我们领导近200个国家签署史上最具雄心的气候协议时，不仅帮助了易受气候变化影响的国家，也在造福我们的后代。我们协助乌克兰捍卫民主，我们帮助哥伦比亚结束长达十年的战争——这同时也巩固了我们赖以发展的国际秩序。当我们帮非洲国家解决饥荒、抗击病疫时，我们也防止了下一场大规模疫情危及美国。目前，我们正努力消除艾滋病带来的危害，我们也有能力消灭疟疾——这也是今年我会督促本届国会资助的项目。

　　That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.

　　这才是国力，这才是领导力。这种领导力需要美国做出表率。这就是为什么我一直致力于关闭关塔那摩监狱：这一监狱耗资巨大，没有必要，只会为我们的敌人继续招兵买马提供说辞。

That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.

　　这就是我们不该在政治上以人种和宗教区分别人的原因。这不是政治正确性的问题，而是我们必须知道美国强大的原因。世界敬重我们并非因为我们武力强大，而是因为我们的种族多样性，因为我们的包容和对每种信仰的尊重。教宗方济各曾站在这个讲台上和在座的议员说过：“如果你像暴君和杀人犯一样充满仇恨和暴力，那你也会很快成为他们那样的人。”有的政治家侮辱穆斯林，有人肆意破坏清真寺，有孩童受到欺辱……这些都不会让我们的国家更安全。我们美国人不应该是这样的人。这种做法大错特错。它贬低了我们在世界眼中的形象，让我们更难达成目标。而且它背离了美国的国家本质。

　　Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.

　　我们的宪法以这三个简单的词开始，也是这三个词让我们认识到，这里指的是所有人，而不是一部分人；这三个单词坚定地认为我们应该共进退。这就是我想说的第四点，也可能是今晚我想讲的最重要的一点。